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VOCAL WISDOM LAMPERTI PDF - 28 Mar G. Lamperti was a historical voice teacher that left many lessons through the book Vocal Wisdom. I feel these are the most accurate.

There is a lot of clutter from anti-death penalty sites, which makes it hard to find all the research. They often cite statistics like those explained in1, including the chart below that shows that murder rates in states without the death penalty are lower than those in states with the death penalty.Is a straight comparison of murder rates a fair way to gauge the effectiveness of the death penalty as a deterrent?

Might the murder rates be even higher in states that currently have the death penalty if they abandoned the practice? Aren't there likely to be other factors that are contributing to higher murder rates (such as what each state considers to be 'murder', or poverty levels, especially in the typically poorer southern states that carry out the majority of executions in the US)? Is there any evidence for death penalty effectiveness that attempts to control for these other variables? What about as a deterrent for other crimes besides murder?Unless you're on here from China or Iran, I imagine this is a pretty uniquely US question. However, many European countries currently without the death penalty once had such laws, and perhaps the arguments used in those older debates would have merit.UPDATE: I think ideally the answer to this question should involve some crime statistics from a place that had the death penalty, and then abolished it, or vice versa.

Ideally modeled in a way to try and control for other factors (as much as possible). (1)@DVK: No, I don’t have to define it exactly. I am only saying that whether it’s moral or immoral is independent of whether it’s a deterrent or not. Do you disagree with this statement? Do you feel that something (to give some examples: eugenics; hormone treatment for homosexuals; beating up children; etc.) should be considered more moral than before if it were found to be more effective than previously thought? And if so, how do you define effective — with respect to what goal?

— So no, morality cannot depend on any such efficacy metric. (11)@Timwi - no, what I'm saying is that 'immoral' is a culturally-dependent construct. What's immoral to you (death penalty) is 100% moral to a large portion of human population, and efficacy only has to do with how that morality evolved in a given culture, NOT the current status. Furthermore, eugenics and beating up children are poster children for why you are wrong - large portions of societies in the past as well as currently considered both eugenics AND corporal punishment quite moral. (8)@DVK: I think we’re getting to the bottom of it slowly. You are right, it is indeed my opinion that it is immoral. Other people consider it moral.

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But that’s not the point. The point is, whether you consider it moral or not, it’s not because of its efficacy. People who consider it moral don’t consider it moral because they think it works (although they use that as a rationalisation for their opinion) — if they did, they would stop considering it moral once it has been conclusively shown to be ineffective, but they don’t. (3)@RussellSteen: true, correlation isn’t the same as causation. The graph isn’t in itself doesn’t prove the case. But the graph certainly isn’t meaningless or irrelevant! When there is causation, it almost always shows up as correlation; so looking for correlation is one of the best ways we have to test causation.

And when there’s correlation, there has to be some explanation; so one can’t lightly dismiss causation without offering alternative explanations. (Factors like Martha F’s point above seem to give a good alternative explanation in this case, though.) - PLL. Regarding the United States, this is a hotly debated and studied issue.

After reviewing the evidence, I find no clear case either way from the point of view of deterrence.Here you can find no less than 27 peer-reviewed papers plus a dozen working papers. You can find single papers 'proving' the case or 'disproving' it, but also meta-studies contradicting each other. In short, there's no clear answer. Criminology is not an exact science, as it's fundamentally a branch of sociology.In Europe, this issue is less debated and the clear winner is that the death penalty was not working and it was fundamentally unethical. There have been no surging crime rates when it was abolished and no significant calls to reinstate it.Crimes recorded by the police, 1998–2008(1,000) — Source: 1Offences recorded by the police, EU-27, 2005–2008(2005=100) — Source: 2Support for Death Penalty in Europe (2007) — Source: 31 http://www.ipsos-mori.com/researchpublications/researcharchive/163/Death-Penalty-International-Poll.aspx.

I know I'm contributing to this answer late, but I think something needs to be stated here by the definition of deterrent. As a general deterrent (one which has an effect on the population at large), the death penalty has never been shown to be an active deterrent.As a specific deterrent, one relative to the individual, the death penalty is highly effective. One could quickly argue that the death penalty has an effect on murder rates in this paradigm even if in a small capacity. When combined with the murder rates of a nation as a whole, becomes statistically insignificant.It is a widely held belief in the field of Criminology, that the death penalty has no effect on crime rates or murder rates when viewed as a general deterrent, and for the most part throughout history, never has been correlated with a reduction in crime or murder. This is not to say that the need for a death penalty is in question, which is another topic entirely.RADELET, M. L., & LACOCK, T. DO EXECUTIONS LOWER HOMICIDE RATES?: THE VIEWS OF LEADING CRIMINOLOGISTS.

Journal Of Criminal Law & Criminology, 99(2), 489-508The question of whether the death penalty is a more effectivedeterrent than long-term imprisonment has been debated for decades orlonger by scholars, policy makers, and the general public. In thisArticle we report results from a survey of the world's leadingcriminologists that asked their expert opinions on whether theempirical research supports the contention that the death penalty is asuperior deterrent. The findings demonstrate an overwhelming consensusamong these criminologists that the empirical research conducted onthe deterrence question strongly supports the conclusion that thedeath penalty does not add deterrent effects to those already achievedby long imprisonment. ABSTRACT FROM AUTHORChoe, J. ANOTHER LOOK AT THE DETERRENT EFFECT OF DEATH PENALTY.

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Journal Of Advanced Research In Law & Economics, 1(1), 12-15.There is a question whether the execution rate is appropriate toexamine the deterrent effect of death penalty. Instead of usingexecution rate, this paper uses dummy variables to categorize statesinto different groups and to compare the group mean homicide rates.With US state-level panel data for the period 1995 - 2006, this paperfails to find a significant homicide-reducing effect of death penalty.ABSTRACT FROM AUTHORLAND, K. C., TESKE, R. C., & ZHENG, H. THE SHORT-TERM EFFECTS OF EXECUTIONS ON HOMICIDES: DETERRENCE, DISPLACEMENT, OR BOTH? Criminology, 47(4), 1009-1043.

Doi:10.1111/j.1745-9125.2009.00168.xBased on time-series analyses and independent-validation tests, ourbest-fitting model shows that, from January 1994 through December2005, evidence exists of modest, short-term reductions in homicides inTexas in the first and fourth months that follow an execution—about2.5 fewer homicides total. Another model suggests, however, that in addition to homicide reductions, some displacement of homicides may bepossible from one month to another in the months after an execution,which reduces the total reduction in homicides after an execution toabout.5 during a 12-month period.

Implications for additionalresearch and the need for future analysis and replication arediscussed. (1)On the second paragraph, the death penalty obviously eliminates recidivism, so has perfect specific deterrence. What is missing from that statement is the number of individuals, mostly police officers, who would be killed in the line of duty because suspects are more likely to violently resist arrest if they know the death penalty is a possibility. There is also the cultural consequences for a society with state-endorsed murder i.e. The diminishing of the inherent worth of human life. Quoting1 (2), emphasis mine:In this study, we use a panel data set covering 3054 counties over theperiod 1977 through 1996 to examine the deterrent effect of capitalpunishment.

The relatively low level of aggregation allows us tocontrol for county specific effects and also avoid problems ofaggregate time-series studies. Using comprehensive post-moratoriumevidence, our study offers results that are relevant for analyzingcurrent crime levels and useful for policy purposes.Our results suggest that the legal change allowing executionsbeginning in 1977 has been associated with significant reductions inhomicide. An increase in any of the three probabilities of arrest,sentencing, or execution tends to reduce the crime rate.

Results arerobust to specification of such probabilities. In particular, our mostconservative estimate is that the execution of each offender seems tosave, on average, the lives of 18 potential victims.

(This estimatehas a margin of error of plus and minus 10). Moreover, we find robberyand aggravated assault associated with increased murder rates. Ahigher NRA presence, measured by NRA membership rate, seems to have asimilar murder-increasing effect. Tests show that results are notdriven by tough sentencing laws, and are also robust to variousspecification choices. Our main finding, that capital punishment has adeterrent effect, is robust to choice of functional form (double-log,semi-log, or linear), state level vs.

County level analysis, samplingperiod, endogenous vs. Exogenous probabilities, and level vs. Ratiospecification of the main variables. Overall, we estimate 55 models;the estimated coefficient of the execution probability is negative andsignificant in 49 of these models and negative but insignificant infour models.

Finally, a cautionary note is in order: deterrencereflects social benefits associated with the death penalty, but oneshould also weigh in the corresponding social costs. These include theregret associated with the irreversible decision to execute aninnocent person. Moreover, issues such as the possible unfairness ofthe justice system and discrimination need to be considered whenmaking a social decision regarding capital punishment. Nonetheless,our results indicate that there are substantial costs in deciding notto use capital punishment as a deterrent.Note: This3 debunks debunkers' studies, so it's not 100% certain that the death penalty doesn't scare those it's intended for. However, if death row appeals are not mandatory, they indicate a willingness to avoid the death penalty.As evidence of innocent lives being lost to convicted murderers (thus their prison term was less effective at preventing their re-offence than death), I present4.Given the arrest rate, sentencing, appeals, and long wait before a death penalty is even executed, it is more deterring to assault an armed civilian, according to5. Those criminals do seem to value their own lives.1 http://www.foxnews.com/opinion/2011/09/30/media-silence-is-deafening-about-important-gun-news/.

(5)There is a debunking that article: 'the most up-to-date OLS panel data studies generate no evidence of a deterrent effect, while three 2SLS studies purport to find such evidence. The 2SLS studies. are unconvincing because they all use a problematic structure based on poorly measured and theoretically inappropriate pseudo-probabilities that are designed to capture the key deterrence elements of a state's death penalty regime, and because their instruments are of dubious validity'.

Pretty damning.

This entry was posted on 04.10.2019.